Part I · 1923–2000

Hindutva's Roots

Hindutva, commonly referred to as Hindu nationalism or Hindu supremacy, is the ideology behind the mainstreaming of organized violence against religious minorities, hate speech, and democratic decline in India. It is often described by its supporters as a movement of Hindu cultural pride and civilizational restoration. However, like Zionism, its origins stem less from religious doctrine, and instead are rooted in modern political nationalism and ethnofascism.

In simple terms, Hindutva is a fascist political ideology that conflates Indian identity with Hinduness, and justifies mass violence against Muslims and other minorities. While some of the ideas that would later inform Hindutva emerged in the late 19th century, the term itself was coined by V.D. Savarkar in the early 20th century, at the height of British colonialism. Hindutva sharply deviated from the secular independence movement led by Gandhi, Nehru, and other freedom fighters. Rather than calling for united anticolonial resistance, its proponents drew inspiration from European ethnonationalist movements, including Italian fascism and Nazism.

Hindutva's thought leaders cast people of other faiths, especially Muslims, as enemies of the nation. V.D. Savarkar made this clear in his 1923 pamphlet Essentials of Hindutva, in which he wrote:

Nothing makes Self conscious of itself so much as a conflict with nonself. Nothing can weld peoples into a nation and nations into a state as the pressure of a common foe. Hatred separates as well as unites. Never had [India] a better chance and a more powerful stimulus to be herself forged into an indivisible whole as on that dire day, when the great inconoclast crossed the Indus. The Mohammedans had crossed that stream… The contest began in grim earnestness with Mohammad and ended, shall we say, with Abdalli?

V.D. Savarkar, *Essentials of Hindutva* (1923)

Even as Savarkar cast Hindus as victims of Muslim and Christian 'foes', he was unabashed in his admiration for the fascist majoritarian movements sweeping Europe at the time. In a 1938 speech, he declared:

Who are we to dictate to Germany, Japan or Russia or Italy to choose a particular form of policy of government? Hitler knows better . . . what suits Germany best. The very fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown so powerful at the touch of [a] Nazi or fascist magical wand is enough to prove that those isms were the most congenial tonic their health demanded.

V.D. Savarkar, 1938

Importantly, Savarkar himself was not religious and clearly distinguished Hindutva from Hinduism in the foundational text of the ideology:

Hindutva is not identical with what is vaguely indicated by the term Hinduism. By an 'ism' it is generally meant a theory or a code more or less based on spiritual or religious dogma or creed… Hindutva embraces all the departments of thought and activity of the whole Being of our Hindu race.

V.D. Savarkar, *Essentials of Hindutva* (1923)

This phrasing is telling: Hindutva conceptualizes Hindus as a distinct racial group separate from Indian Muslims and Christians, allowing its adherents to characterize Hindus as indigenous to India while casting others as 'foreign' — similar, once again, to Nazism. This distinction has had violent consequences for communities designated as outsiders.

Additionally, the Hindu supremacist conceptualization of Hinduism flattens the vast variety of practices and beliefs that Hindus across India have historically followed. Hindu traditions have never been unified by a single dogma or standardized practice across the subcontinent. Hindutva, meanwhile, seeks to produce a more standardized conception of Hindu identity, characterized by caste hierarchy, patriarchy, and Brahminical supremacy, while excluding or marginalizing the religious expressions of many indigenous and marginalized communities.

Founding of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Building on Savarkar's vision of a Hindu rashtra, or Hindu ethno-state, a man named Keshav Baliram Hedgewar — who once referred to Muslims as 'foreign snakes' — founded the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925.

The RSS is an all-male Hindu supremacist paramilitary group that is today the largest volunteer organization in the world, with millions of active members. The RSS sought to cultivate a disciplined Hindu national identity, incorporating khaki uniforms, drills, physical training, and salutes — much like the Hitler Youth of Nazi Germany. The RSS sought to build an organized movement capable of advancing the vision of Hindu nationalism articulated by Savarkar and other Hindutva thinkers.

Under M.S. Golwalkar, who became the leader of the RSS in the 1940s, the organization expanded its support base across ethnic, linguistic, and regional divisions. The RSS was largely seen as a fringe extremist group for the next several decades. Despite this, the group would become a dominant force in Indian politics and society through its extensive organizational network and the electoral rise of its affiliated political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

In his 1939 book Our Nationhood Defined, Golwalkar declared:

The foreign races must either adopt Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no ideas but those of glorification of the Hindu race and culture. [Minorities must be] wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges . . . not even citizens.

M.S. Golwalkar, *Our Nationhood Defined* (1939)

From its earliest years, the RSS was associated with political violence. Most notably, Nathuram Godse, a former member of the RSS, assassinated Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. Godse viewed Gandhi's calls for Hindu-Muslim unity as a threat to Indian Hindus, and during his trial declared the murder a 'moral' act in service of his community.

Following Gandhi's assassination, the Indian government banned the RSS. It was banned again in 1975, during Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's declaration of the Emergency, and was banned for a third time in 1992 following the violent demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya by Hindu militants.

The RSS now has thousands of affiliated groups that together form the Sangh Parivar, or 'family of the Sangh' — a network of organizations that collectively advance Hindutva across India and the world. These organizations operate across a wide range of sectors, including politics, education, social services, labor, religion, and youth organizing.

Some organizations, such as Ekal Vidyalaya and Sewa International, operate charitable and educational programs that have also been used to advance Hindutva among vulnerable and marginalized communities in India. Others, including the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), are militant groups that regularly engage in violence against religious minorities, especially Muslims and Christians.

The Sangh Parivar is also active in spreading Hindutva in the diaspora. In the United States, overseas affiliates of Sangh organizations — known as the American Sangh — often present themselves as cultural, educational, or community organizations. Some of these organizations are directly linked to Indian militant groups, including the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS), the overseas wing of the RSS, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America (VHPA), the American branch of the VHP. Other organizations, such as the Hindu American Foundation (HAF), have been criticized for presenting themselves as civil rights organizations while promoting alliances between far-right Hindus and white supremacists in the diaspora.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

The RSS is the ideological and organizational mothership of the broader Hindutva movement, while the BJP serves as its principal political vehicle. The BJP's predecessor, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), was founded in 1951 by RSS member Syama Prasad Mukherjee — a connection that is noted on the official BJP website. In 1980, BJS leaders founded the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The BJP initially sought to position itself as a broad conservative political party, but by the late 1980s it increasingly embraced overt Hindu nationalist politics. Its support for the Ram Temple movement helped transform the party into a national political force. The BJP first led a national government in 1996 and later governed as the dominant party in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee from 1998 to 2004.

Since the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014, the BJP has made Hindu supremacy the dominant governing ideology of the Indian state. Its government has promoted hateful policies and rhetoric that have led to a documented backsliding of religious freedom and civil rights, with Muslims and other religious minorities facing rampant systemic discrimination, hate speech, and violence.

Today, the BJP and RSS remain deeply intertwined; a survey of Modi's cabinet in 2020 found that 71% of BJP ministers had an RSS background. During his 2025 Indian Independence Day speech, Modi also lauded the RSS as the 'world's largest' NGO, saying: 'I want to mention… with great pride that 100 years ago, an organisation was born — the RSS. Its 100 years of national service has been a very proud and glorious page.'

Continue Reading

Move on to Part II of Hindutva: A Timeline, or explore more resources on Hindutva and the Indian Muslim experience.